“National efforts, while indispensable, are not enough.” So says the 2024 EU defence review. While EU total military spending stands at €326 billion in 2024, equivalent to 1.9% of EU GDP, the sheer scale of modern threats demands a more coordinated approach, the review warns.

The letters of intent signed by EU Member States in Brussels, though not binding financial commitments, give a political momentum for what could be some of the largest collaborative projects so far. It is not just about spending more; it is about spending together.

For each of the four areas, work is set to develop along several lines, including buying existing weapons together in the short term, and developing new assets jointly in the future. Germany, France and Italy are leading in air and missile defence. Meanwhile, many EU countries have committed to enhancing their electronic warfare capabilities.

Loitering munitions, which can hover over targets for extended periods before striking, have been crucial in Ukraine’s defence, and now, EU countries are working together to develop these systems.

As for the European Combat Vessel, seven EU nations – among them Belgium and the Netherlands – have pledged to develop a next-generation naval ship. This effort, which will begin with harmonising requirements and preparing for joint procurement, aims to have a vessel sailing by 2040.

“The 2024 CARD report emphasises that Europe’s defence posture depends on aligning short-term operational needs with long-term strategic goals,” says Ralph Briers, Head of Unit, Cooperation Planning, in EDA’s Capability, Armament and Planning Directorate. “By seizing collaborative opportunities like IAMD, electronic warfare, loitering munitions, and naval power, Member States can strengthen both national and collective security through technology, enhanced interoperability, and sustainable capability development.”

1. Loitering Munitions

Versatile systems combining surveillance with precision strikes, proven to have disruptive potential in recent conflicts.

So far, 17 Member States have signed letters of intent to buy these systems together in the short term, and to work on their further development over the medium to long term. They will also work to define what loitering munitions are, as well as conducting joint training, exercises, and testing.

Loitering munitions are gaining traction among Member States. “The war in Ukraine has demonstrated the diverse use of these systems, from destroying tanks to targeting critical infrastructure,” says Giuseppe Dello Stritto, Head of Unit Land and Logistics at EDA. However, the technology’s novelty and lack of standardisation pose challenges for procurement and integration.

Member States are now discussing both urgent needs and longer-term strategies for loitering munitions. “Some Member States are planning acquisitions soon. But without coordination, European industries might lose out to mature technologies from non-EU countries,” Dello Stritto says.

Loitering munitions allow unmanned navigation, offering flexibility in combat. “Their ability to loiter over targets, gather intelligence, and engage with precision makes them unique to support ground forces from the air,” says Dello Stritto. Yet, defining and integrating these systems remains complex. “Unlike artillery shells, there is no established doctrine or taxonomy for loitering munitions,” he adds, emphasising the need for training, testing, and concepts of operations that everyone agrees to.

Efforts are also underway to strengthen European industry. While companies such as Germany’s Rheinmetall are already in the market together with Israeli firms, EU officials want to see a robust European supply of weapons and allow the growth of home-grown assets from smaller companies. Helsing, a defence company specialising in artificial intelligence, has already delivered drones to Ukraine’s armed forces. “Without a lot of EU countries placing orders, European companies may lack incentives to prioritise these capabilities to be produced at scale,” Dello Stritto says.

The goal of EDA’s letters of intent are clear, Dello Stritto says. “We want to agree what Member States’ militaries need on the ground, then look for the proper technology and European producers, so as to give us a European edge in the new field.”

2. Integrated Air and Missile Defence (IAMD) 

Essential for safeguarding Europe’s infrastructure, urban areas, and forces from threats such as ballistic missiles, cruise missiles, and drones.

So far, 18 Member States have signed a letter of intent, declaring their intention to collectively fill urgent capability gaps in the short term by procuring counter-unmanned aerial systems (C-UAS), ground-based air defence (GBAD) and ammunition. In the medium term, Member States aim to develop technologies to counter swarms of drones and high-velocity threats. In the long term, they plan to build a robust missile defence architecture.

A missile strike on a city in the European Union is still a distance prospect. But current air and missile defence capabilities, even those integrated within NATO, fall short of offering comprehensive protection for critical infrastructure and do not cover all of the EU. Ukraine has shown that building air defences quickly is possible, but it is an expensive undertaking. For Europe, GBAD costs billions of euros, making large-scale investment a daunting prospect for many nations.

Defence is also sovereign, with EU countries maintaining control over strategic assets. Yet, as the threat escalates, public support for better European defence integration has grown, prompting renewed discussions on common air defence.

In 2023, Poland and Greece urged the EU to deepen collaboration and funding for air defence, highlighting the need for joint procurement, standardisation, and system interoperability to strengthen NATO and EU security. Germany has proposed the European Sky Shield Initiative (ESSI), aiming to create a robust, Europe-centred missile defence architecture, but France has reservations about a heavy reliance on U.S. and Israeli technology.

Europe will need a multi-layered air and missile defence, encompassing both low- and high-altitude defences, as well as battle management, communications, command and control, early warning sensors, radars, and a range of interceptors. To take forward the work in a coherent way, the EDA’s letters of intent aim to promote working together, as well as interoperability, and pool resources at the EU level, using frameworks such as the Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO). In doing so, Europe would fortify its resilience against geopolitical risks and improve its capacity to act, alone if necessary.

“EDA’s letter of intent offers a general, cooperative approach that would allow Member States to build architecture to respond to all kinds of air threats and over all time horizons,” says EDA’s Chief of Staff Etienne de Durand.

3. Electronic Warfare

Electronic warfare, at its core, involves manipulating the electromagnetic spectrum to disrupt, degrade, or redirect enemy signals – whether they be radio waves, infrared emissions, or radar transmissions.

So far 14 Member States have signed letters of intent to jointly improve their capabilities by buying equipment together, establishing data-sharing platforms, and developing a common doctrine, as well as training, exercises, and facilities. In the long term, they will focus on developing future systems, particularly for jamming and counter-jamming.

In Ukraine, an invisible conflict unfolds daily across the electromagnetic spectrum, as Russian efforts to jam Ukrainian drone signals clash with Kyiv’s successes in crippling Russia’s own electronic warfare systems.

The stakes are high: securing communications against jamming or deception is critical, as are support operations that enable precision targeting, destructive strikes, or intelligence gathering. Signals intelligence, too, is part of the contested electromagnetic arena.

But in European defence cooperation, electronic warfare capabilities have been underexplored, says David Byrne, Head of Unit Information Superiority at EDA. “For a long time, command-and-control systems and cyber capabilities dominated the agenda. Now priorities are shifting. EDA is helping Member States with the complexities of what is a very broad field,” he says.

Aiming to act as a catalyst, the EDA’s initial steps have been to gauge the interest of Member States and narrow the focus. Areas such as training, platforms, systems, and doctrine are now under discussion. This momentum has set the stage for further work to refine priorities and identify areas for collaborative development.

While some EU countries, such as France and Germany, have relatively advanced electronic warfare systems, others, particularly smaller nations, lag significantly. Certain states might operate aircraft without modern jamming capabilities or rely on outdated systems for maritime escorts. The goal is not only to overcome these shortcomings but to ensure interoperability by buying assets together, and in the longer term develop them together.

“Defensive capabilities are the focus,” Byrne says, underscoring that offensive electronic warfare remains the purview of individual nations.

Looking ahead, the project is divided into short-term and medium-to-long-term objectives. While immediate efforts will focus on procuring existing technologies, the long-term vision involves developing next-generation systems like standoff jammers and advanced Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance (ISR) platforms.

Possible areas of collaboration 

  • Common Electronic Warfare Training (Short to Medium Term)
  • Procurement of Electronic Warfare, Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance (ISR) and Tactical Communication Systems (Short to Medium Term)
  • Joint Development of Electronic Warfare Jamming Systems (Short to Medium Term)
  • Standardised EW Doctrine (Short to Medium Term)
  • Escort Support Jamming (Medium to Long Term)
  • Standoff Jamming (Medium to Long Term)
  • Communications Jamming (Medium to Long Term)

4. The European Combat Vessel

A modular, multipurpose warship vital for Europe’s maritime security and ability to address overseas conflicts, given its reliance on sea trade.

So far, seven Member States have signed letters of intent to develop the next generation of vessels using a systems-to-hull approach. They plan to agree on what they require the vessel to do, develop a business case, and prepare to purchase the vessel together by 2040.

The development of the European Combat Vessel (ECV) is a major undertaking aimed at creating a next-generation, multipurpose naval platform.

Unlike current vessels, the ECV should be able to address multidimensional threats of the mid-21st century, integrating new capabilities to defend against submarines, cyberattacks and unmanned systems. With an anticipated operational debut in the 2040s, the ECV will be a manned naval vessel, although its design is still to be agreed upon.

“I see right now in terms of a frigate-size, or destroyer-size platform,” says Elvira Bermudez, Project Officer Naval Combat and Maritime Interdiction. “Countries around the world have plans to develop the next-generation frigates, but it is difficult to plan and develop for the challenges that you’re going to be facing in the future. And 20 years ago, we did not envision what we’re seeing right now. If you look at contexts like the one we have in the Red Sea, if you apply the lessons identified from Ukraine to a sea context, we need innovation in naval design.”

The ECV will differ significantly from traditional vessels, prioritising a modular design so that the new class of ship can meet varied operational needs, from protecting critical infrastructure to countering advanced undersea threats, and for specific operational environments, whether in the Mediterranean, North or Baltic seas. The ECV is also likely to rely on existing EU defence projects, including PESCO initiatives, for its design.

The ECV also represents a departure from smaller, regionally focused vessels like the European Patrol Corvette under development after work with EDA. Such corvettes are primarily tasked with littoral defence. Instead, the ECV could, for instance, ensure the security of sea lines of communication and project power globally.

“For us, the ECV is more than a ship – it is the way we go forward together in preparing for European naval warfare in the future,” Bermudez says. “That reflects the EU’s commitment to autonomy and resilience.”

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